FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE n°2402 - Page 10 - 2402 February 2024 - Volume 17, No.2 50 © Maxime Riché Sommaire FOLLOW US ON INSTAGRAM 4. FROM THE NEWSDESK Immigration Legislation Sparks Political Crisis for the Macron Administration 6. COME ON OUT French Cultural Events in North America 8. EDITORIAL Deux pays, d’un seul pas Two Countries Separated by One Small Step 12. INTERVIEW: Séverine Autesserre L’activiste de la paix The Peacebuilder 18. THE OBSERVER Donuts, street food et autres signes des temps Le Donut, Le Street Food, and Other Signs of the Times 26. HERITAGE Les Champs-Élysées font leur comeback ! The Triumphant Return of the Champs-Élysées! 36. HISTORY: Eugene Bullard En vol et contre tous A Pilot’s Struggle for Freedom 50. PORTFOLIO: Maxime Riché Couleurs de l’incendie Colors of the Flames 64. ANNIVERSARY: The Merci Train Sur les rails de la diplomatie transatlantique Laying the Tracks of French-American Friendship 78. BOOKS: Nicolas Mathieu Du Grand Est au Deep South From the Grand Est to the Deep South 84. BOOK REVIEW: Pascale Robert-Diard Autopsie d’un mensonge Autopsy of a Lie 86. THE WORDSMITH En passant par la banlieue Singing the Banlieue Blues FRANCESCO BONGIORNI, an Italian artist based in Madrid, has worked with international publications such as Le Monde, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The New Yorker, Forbes, and France-Amérique. His sophisticated illustrations, which have also been featured in books and advertisements, earned him a gold medal from the New York Society of Illustrators in 2022. “For this month’s cover illustration, I was asked to showcase the Merci Train – a fascinating convoy that brought French gifts to the United States 75 years ago as a token of gratitude after World War II. I represented the boxcars traveling across the vast American landscape, virtually tossing the objects it transported and spreading French art, design, culture, and craftsmanship across the country. A symbolic gesture, from one people to another.ˮ 3 4 from the newsdesk TEXT ANTHONY BULGER ILLUS. CINTA FOSCH The French Parliament Adopts New Legislation to Reduce Immigration, Sparking a Political Crisis for the Macron Administration A BILL TOO FAR? After weeks of heated and often fractious debate, the French parliament has adopted a controversial bill that toughens the country’s immigration laws.1 However, the political wrangling that preceded the vote and the shockwave that followed it have dealt a body blow to President Emmanuel Macron and his minority government. The new law contains a series of restrictive measures, including migration quotas, stricter access to welfare benefits for foreigners, stricter curbs on foreign students, and restrictions on the naturalization of French-born children of non-nationals. In addition, dual nationals sentenced for serious crimes could lose their French citizenship. It is not just the content of the legislation that has caused an uproar, but the way it was adopted. To grasp the broader political dimension, it is essential to remember the context in which the bill was framed. Back in 2022, when Mr. Macron was running for re-election, he vowed to bring in legislation to “control2 immigration and improve integration.” His aim was to see off a challenge from the far-right Rassemblement National, led by Marine Le Pen, while wooing swing voters who might otherwise be tempted by the RN’s strident anti-immigration rhetoric. Although eventually re-elected, the president lost his parliamentary majority, and his government has since been forced to seek legislative alliances with opposition groups while avoiding any dalliance with the RN. In May 2023, the then prime minister, Élisabeth Borne,3 instructed her hard-line interior minister, Gérald Darmanin, to prepare legislation that would curb immigration and facilitate the expulsion of illegal migrants, while continuing to admit foreign workers in order to fill vacancies in short-staffed sectors.4 The bill, the second of its kind under a Macron administration,5 was already controversial before it reached the Senate6 in November and had been significantly amended at the committee stage. Its fate was bound to depend on the conservative parties, chiefly Les Républicains, that control the upper chamber,7 with one political adviser predicting a “dog-eat-dog struggle”8 between the right and far right to adopt the most radical measures. And indeed, the senators substantively rewrote and toughened the text, concentrating heavily on control rather than assimilation. Among other measures, they tightened expulsion rules, scrapped medical assistance for undocumented migrants,9 further restricted access to social services, and demanded French-language proficiency as a condition for a residency permit. When the amended bill arrived in the lower house in December, the reaction was immediate. Representatives on the left found it too restrictive, their colleagues on the right – notably the RN – thought it too lax. The Green Party filed a rejection motion,10 which passed by 275 votes to 265, and the debate was aborted. Gérald Darmanin tendered his resignation, which President Macron rejected. The government was then faced with three options: tighten the bill even further, use from the newsdesk 5 This column, aimed particularly at teachers and students, discusses recent political, educational, and cultural events in France and explains some of the related terminology. GLOSSARY AND NOTES 1 Legal vocabulary can be tricky, not least because of substantive differences in law-making procedures from one country to another. In France, la loi means the law in the sense of legislation, while le droit, also translated by the law, refers to the entire body of legislation and rules governing a society. Thus L’affaire sera jugée selon la loi en vigueur, The case will be tried in accordance with prevailing law, but Ma fille étudie le droit à Assas, My daughter is studying law at Assas [University]. With the indefinite article, un droit is a right but une loi is a law or statute. Un projet de loi (“plan for a law”) is a bill, i.e. a draft statute. Specific uses of these terms should be examined individually, e.g. The Bill of Rights, La Déclaration des droits. 2 The regular first-group verb contrôler has two meanings: to control, supervise, etc. but also to inspect, check. The latter meaning is also found in the derivative English term passport control, le contrôle des passeports. 3 Élisabeth Borne tendered her resignation on January 8, 2024. She was replaced the following day by Education Minister Gabriel Attal. Mr. Attal, 34, is the youngest prime minister in the Fifth Republic, appointed by the youngest-ever French president, Emmanuel Macron. 4 The official term used in the legislation is les métiers en tension, which literally means “jobs under pressure.” In different contexts, la tension can mean blood pressure (la tension artérielle) and voltage (ligne à haute/basse tension, high-/low-voltage line). 5 The first bill, sponsored by the then-interior minister Gérard Collomb, was adopted in September 2018. In all, some thirty laws on the immigration issue have been passed, by both leftand right-wing governments, in the past 40 years. In every case, the avowed aim has been to move from l’immigration subie (imposed or inflicted immigration) to l’immigration choisie (selective immigration). 6 A bill can be submitted to either the lower or the upper chamber: l’Assemblée nationale or le Sénat. The only exceptions are finance bills and social security financing bills, which are examined first by the former, and bills concerning the organization of local authorities, submitted to the latter. 7 Le Sénat has had a right-wing majority throughout the Fifth Republic (i.e. since October 1958), except between 2011 and 2014. 8 “Une course à l’échalote [...] pour la mesure la plus radicale.” In this context, the idiom une course à l’échalote (litt. “a shallot race”) means a pointless struggle or futile competition. The original term referred to a foot race in which one competitor runs behind the other, holding him by the seat of his pants, i.e. the buttocks. The old slang word for a buttock was un oignon (onion), which was eventually changed to the minced oath l’échalote. Today the idiom is humorous rather than vulgar. 9 The original program, l’aide médicale de l’État (AME), State medical assistance, was established in 1999 to provide medical care to illegal immigrants, subject to residency requirements and means-testing. Scrapping the AME was a key demand of the parliamentary opposition. It is due to be replaced by a more restrictive program called l’aide médicale d’urgence, emergency medical assistance. 10 Une motion de rejet préalable (“prior rejection motion”) can be filed by a parliamentary group ahead of a bill’s first reading on the grounds that it infringes the Constitution. 11 Under Article 49.3 of France’s Constitution, the government can force a bill through the National Assembly without a vote if it is facing defeat. In this case, the opposition parties can file a no-confidence motion within 24 hours. As of November 2023, the government had resorted to this procedure 23 times in 18 months. See France-Amérique, December 2022. 12 The body is known as la commission mixte paritaire (CMP). The adjective mixte, mixed, is used because the CMP comprises seven senators and seven representatives. In consequence, the two chambers have equal representation (paritaire). The purpose of the CMP is to find a compromise between the National Assembly and the Senate in the event of disagreement over a bill. 13 Le Défenseur des droits, Defender of Rights, is an independent authority established under article 71.1 of the Constitution to “ensure respect for rights and freedoms.” The current Defender, the legal expert and journalist Claire Hédon, said in a press release that the bill was une atteinte grave aux principes d’égalité et de non-discrimination, socle de notre République, a serious assault on the principles of equality and non-discrimination that underpin our Republic. a constitutional mechanism to force it through without a vote,11 or submit it for review to a special committee.12 The latter option prevailed and the committee prepared a compromise version that took up many of the Senate’s original measures. When the bill was resubmitted, many members of Mr. Macron’s centrist party, Renaissance, and their allies either voted against or abstained, thus exposing deep internal divisions. The right-wing parties, by contrast, voted in favor and pushed the bill across the finish line. Crucially, the RN, which had originally said it would reject the Senate’s version, changed tack and supported it, prompting Ms. Le Pen to declare an “ideological victory” for her party. Despite the government’s claim that the bill would have passed without the RN’s support, the damage was done. Health Minister Aurélien Rousseau resigned in protest, civil society organizations expressed grave doubts, the leaders of a third of French regions refused to comply with certain measures, and the Defender of Rights,13 which defends citizens’ rights and freedoms, published a scathing opinion. As one member of the government said despairingly, “the RN has given us the kiss of death.” The saga is not over yet. Since some of the law’s provisions infringe the Constitution, both the president and his left-wing adversaries have appealed to the Constitutional Council for rulings. But whatever the outcome of those reviews or any other appeals and amendments that may ensue, the damage to President Macron’s “neither-right-nor-left” credo may prove irreparable. COME ON OUT TEXT TRACY KENDRICK 6 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE FEBRUARY 2024 Henri Matisse, Bathers with a Turtle, 1907-1908. © Saint Louis Art Museum/Succession H. Matisse/Artists Rights Society, New York St. Louis, MO HENRI MATISSE Bringing together some 75 paintings, sculptures, paper cut-outs, textiles, ceramics, drawings, and prints, Matisse and the Sea is the first show to examine this central motif in the artist’s work across his long career. Among the scenic stops in this exhibition-meets-travelogue are Brittany, the French Riviera, and French Polynesia. Feb. 17 through May 12 at the Saint Louis Art Museum; slam.org. Palm Springs, CA FILM FESTIVAL Cinéma Français Palm Springs screens acclaimed recent French shorts and features, among others, Jean-Jacques Annaud’s docudrama Notre-Dame on Fire and Marie Amachoukeli’s Àma Gloria, a moving exploration of the bond between a six-year-old French girl and the Cape Verdean nanny from whom she will soon be separated. Feb. 2 through 4 at the Palm Springs Cultural Center; cinemafrancaisps.com. Notre-Dame on Fire. © Pathé Films/TF1 Films Production © Jonathan Lutumba/Viascent Sarasota, FL, and Nashville, TN RAVE LUCID The dance troupe Mazelfreten performs Rave Lucid, inspired by French club culture of the 2000s. Combining high energy with masterful control, 10 perfectly synchronized dancers execute moves at a tempo of 120 beats per minute. Feb. 22 through 24 at the Historic Asolo Theater at The Ringling, ringling.org; and Feb. 29 through March 2 at OZ Arts, ozartsnashville.org. FEBRUARY 2024 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE 7 Atlanta, GA BALENCIAGA Born in a Basque fishing village in 1895, Cristóbal Balenciaga discovered his calling through his seamstress mother and began formal training as a tailor at age 12. He would go on to become a designer’s designer; Coco Chanel once described him as the only true couturier of their time, thanks to his ability not only to design a garment but also to assemble it perfectly with his own hands. Cristóbal Balenciaga: Master of Tailoring transports visitors to his Paris showroom through some 30 garments from the 1940s to the late 1960s, including evening gowns worn by the likes of Elizabeth Taylor and Dolores del Río. Jan. 25 through June 2 at SCAD FASH Museum of Fashion + Film; scadfash.org. Sonia Delaunay, Solar Prism, 1914. © National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C./Pracusa New York, NY SONIA DELAUNAY Informed by new research, Sonia Delaunay: Living Art surveys the kaleidoscopic career of one of the most versatile talents of the 20th century. A lifestyle creator before the term existed, she flouted distinctions between the fine and decorative arts, lending her unique aesthetic to everything from playing cards to pajamas to sports cars. Among the nearly 200 objects on view are “poemdresses” fusing fashion with the written word; furniture she conceived for the Paris apartment she shared with her husband, the painter Robert Delaunay; costume designs for a 1918 Ballets Russes production of Cleopatra; and a tapestry commissioned by the French government in the 1970s. Feb. 23 through July 7 at Bard Graduate Center; bgc.bard.edu. Atlanta, GA COCO CHANEL Atlanta Ballet presents Belgian-Colombian choreographer Annabelle Lopez Ochoa’s Coco Chanel: The Life of a Fashion Icon, a narrative work that doesn’t shy away from the controversial aspects of its intriguing subject. Yes, Chanel was the creator of the original little black dress, a groundbreaking designer credited with freeing women from stiff, corseted clothing; she was also a Nazi sympathizer who lived in exile in Switzerland for eight years after World War II. Feb. 9 through 17 at the Cobb Energy Performing Arts Centre; atlantaballet.com. © Shoccara Marcus © Neal Barr Éditorial TEXT GUY SORMAN FR ENG TRANS. ALEXANDER UFF ILLUS. ANTOINE MOREAU-DUSAULT 8 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE FEBRUARY 2024 Les mots diffèrent, mais les idées qui définissent depuis deux siècles la politique en France et aux États-Unis se recoupent étrangement. À chacun sa droite et sa gauche. DEUX PAYS, D’UN SEUL PAS FEBRUARY 2024 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE 9 La date du 11 septembre 1789 n’est pas passée à la postérité. C’est regrettable car ce jour-là, les représentants de la nation française, réunis à Versailles en Assemblée constituante, se répartirent pour la première fois de l’histoire en deux camps : la droite et la gauche. Spontanément, à droite, allèrent siéger les députés favorables à une monarchie absolue. Et à gauche, se regroupèrent ceux qui étaient favorables non pas à une république, encore prématurée pour la France (la Première République ne sera votée que trois ans plus tard), mais à une monarchie constitutionnelle. Cette distribution spontanée devait correspondre à une psychologie collective puisque dans toutes les nations, à commencer par les États-Unis, la même division s’est imposée sans interruption depuis le XVIIIe siècle. Les noms des partis peuvent changer mais leurs inclinations, non. La droite française est restée à droite, plutôt conservatrice, avec des nuances verbales qui épousent les circonstances du temps et les mutations de la société. La gauche, elle, est restée la gauche avec une même prédilection pour le progrès ou sa conception du progrès. Il en va de même aux États-Unis. Làaussi,levocabulaireetlasociété ont changé, mais il n’en reste pas moins que le Parti républicain est de droite et le Parti démocrate de gauche. Derrière cette persistance, cette similitude entre nos deux pays, la substance de ce qu’est la droite et de ce qu’est la gauche évolue incessamment. Mais à l’exception de la guerre de Sécession, on peut démontrer que les droites et les gauches françaises et américaines avancent d’un même pas, sous couvert d’étiquettes distinctes. La droite, tout d’abord. Si l’on essaye de se dégager du fatras idéologique qui encombre tout discours politique, on peut ramener la droite à une notion essentielle, celle d’identité. Vue de droite, la nation est unie ou doit le devenir. Elle est unie par la civilisation, la culture, la religion et l’adhésion à un même système de valeurs, voire dans le cas des États-Unis, par les origines ethniques. Il s’agit évidemment de mythologie, car le « Français authentique » n’est pas plus facile à définir que l’« Américain authentique ». Mais dans les deux cas, cette recherche d’une authenticité identitaire est, me semble-t-il, le fondement dans nos deux pays de ce que l’on appelle la droite. On peut tenter, de la même manière, d’isoler le noyau dur de ce que l’on classe, en France et aux ÉtatsUnis, à gauche. Celle-ci est plus ouverte à la diversité, culturelle ou sociale, et les politiques de gauche favorisent cette diversité, que ce soit par l’immigration ou dans l’éducation. Ce penchant pour la diversité, ou non, éclaire aussi les politiques étrangères de nos deux pays. Français comme Américains de gauche seront plus attentifs au sort des nations étrangères et particulièrement de leurs minorités. À gauche aussi, de tradition, on est plus attentif à l’égalité réelle et pas seulement à l’égalité de droit. Ce qui, dans nos deux pays, conduit la gauche à des politiques dites sociales, une revendication de justice que la droite trouve discriminatoire. On m’objectera une simplification excessive de l’histoire et de la vie politique de nos deux nations. Mais si l’on veut bien reclasser les prises de position et les politiques suivies, comme en 1789, elles retombent bien dans une catégorie ou dans l’autre. Les similitudes entre les idéologies respectives sont plus fortes que les différences évidemment coloriées par l’histoire. On m’objectera aussi que la dichotomie droite-gauche ne fait pas de place au centre. Mais si, en France comme aux États-Unis, des dirigeants politiques ont toujours tenté de se situer au centre ou de s’imposer comme une troisième voie, force est de constater qu’aucun n’y est jamais parvenu. Le centre tombe inéluctablement à droite ou à gauche, ou bien il disparaît. Cela a toujours été le cas des candidats de tiers partis aux États-Unis et des partis centristes en France. Sautons de l’an 1789 à l’actualité immédiate. Donald Trump, par exemple, s’inscrit-il dans notre partage droite-gauche ? Oui, évidemment, puisqu’il poursuit la tradition droitière du culte de l’identité nationale, mâle et blanche de préférence. Il a son presque parfait équivalent dans le parti de Marine Le Pen, dit Rassemblement national. Je parle ici des valeurs et non pas des comportements ; je ne juge ni ne condamne, mais je constate. Pareillement, la gauche américaine et la gauche française pratiquent un même culte de la diversité. Elles sont l’une et l’autre plus attentives au sort des moins favorisés, qu’il s’agisse des citoyens, des immigrants ou des minorités opprimées, partout dans le monde. Bien entendu, chacun à droite et à gauche niera cette dichotomie. Chacun sera tenté de taxer l’autre de populiste. Mais ces qualificatifs n’ont pas de signification : ce sont des habillages rhétoriques destinés à disqualifier l’adversaire. En revanche, si l’on accepte ma lunette simplifiée d’une analyse droite-gauche, elle permet, me semble-t-il, de mieux voir la réalité. C’est une lunette très imparfaite, mais mieux vaut une lunette imparfaite que pas de lunette du tout. Voici en tout cas celle que je propose pour une année 2024 qui sera riche en élections et retournements politiques, en France comme aux États-Unis. 10 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE FEBRUARY 2024 September 11, 1789, has not gone down in history. This is unfortunate, because this was when the representatives of the French nation came together as a Constituent Assembly at Versailles, divided into two sides – right and left – for the first time in history. Spontaneously, the members in favor of an absolute monarchy took their seats on the right. On the left sat those who favored a constitutional monarchy rather than a republic, which was still a premature concept in France (the First Republic was not voted until three years later). This involuntary distribution must have resonated with a collective psychology, as the same division has prevailed without interruption since the 18th century across all nations, starting with the United States. Party names may change, but party leanings do not. The French right has remained right-wing, generally conservative, although with verbal nuances that adapt to the context of the time and changes in society. Meanwhile, the left has remained left-wing, with an unwavering partiality for progress – or its own vision of progress. The same is true in the United States; vocabulary and society have changed, but the Republican Party remains right-wing and the Democratic Party left-wing. Behind this persistence, this similarity between our two countries, the substance of what right and left mean is constantly changing. However, with the exception of the American Civil War, it can be said that the right and the left in both France and the United States are moving forward at the same pace and under distinct labels. Let’s start with the right. If we try to free ourselves from the ideologies that clutter up all political discourse, we can reduce the right to a single, essential notion: identity. Seen from the right, a nation is united or must become so. It is united by civilization, culture, religion, adherence to the same value system, and even, in the case of the United States, by ethnic origins. Of course, this is pure mythology, as the “true French person” is no easier to define than the “true American.” Yet in both cases, this search for an authentic identity seems to be the foundation of what we call the right. Similarly, we can try to define the core of what we classify as the left in France and the U.S. This side of the political chessboard is more open to diversity, both cultural and social, and left-wing policies encourage this melting pot through immigration and education. This penchant – or distaste – for diversity also informs the foreign policies of our two countries. Both French and American leftists are more concerned about the fate of foreign nations, and of their minorities in particular. The left is also traditionally more attentive to equality of opportunity and not just equal rights. In both countries, this leads the left to pursue so-called “social” policies – demands for justice that the right finds discriminatory. Some may object that this is an oversimplification of the history and political life of our two nations. But if we look back over all the attitudes and policies adopted, just like in 1789, they tend to fall neatly into one category or the other. The similarities between the respective ideologies are stronger than the differences, which are naturally influenced by history. Others may also object that the right-left dichotomy leaves no room for the center. But while political leaders in France and the United States have always tried to carve out a space in the center, or impose themselves as a “third way,” none has ever succeeded. The center inevitably falls to the right or to the left, or else it disappears. This has always been the case for third-party candidates in the U.S.A. and centrist parties in France. Let’s now jump from the year 1789 to the present. Does Donald Trump, for example, fit into our right-left divide? He does, of course, as he is continuing the right-wing tradition of worshipping national identity – preferably one that is male and White. He finds an almost perfect counterpart in Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National party. I am referring to values here, not behaviors; I am not judging or condemning, merely observing. Similarly, the American left and the French left practice the same cult of diversity. Both are more mindful of the plight of the less fortunate, be they citizens, immigrants, or oppressed minorities around the world. Naturally, everyone on the right and the left will deny this dichotomy, and each side will be tempted to label the other as populist. But these labels have no meaning; they are rhetorical devices designed to disqualify the opponent. On the other hand, if we accept my simplified rightleft analysis, I believe that it gives us a better view of reality. It may be an imperfect prism, but an imperfect prism is better than none at all. In any case, it is the one I offer for 2024, a year that promises its fair share of elections and political twists and turns – both in France and the United States. TWO COUNTRIES SEPARATED BY ONE SMALL STEP Names and terminology may differ, but the ideas that have defined French and American politics for the last two centuries are curiously similar. Whatever we choose to call them, the left and the right remain the bedrock of our democracies. Chercheuse franco-américaine, professeure et directrice du département de sciences politiques de la faculté Barnard à Columbia, à New York, Séverine Autesserre est reconnue pour la singularité de ses recherches sur la paix et la guerre, récemment relatées dans son livre Sur les fronts de la paix, publié en français et en anglais. Rencontre avec une pacifiste spécialiste des zones de conflits, notamment la République démocratique du Congo. 12 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE FEBRUARY 2024 interview L’ACTIVISTE DE LA PAIX Séverine Autesserre INTERVIEW GUY SORMAN FEBRUARY 2024 FRANCE-AMÉRIQUE 13 THE PEACEBUILDER Séverine Autesserre is a FrenchAmerican researcher, professor, and chair of political science at Barnard College at Columbia University, in New York City. She is renowned for her unique research on peace and war, detailed in her new book The Frontlines of Peace, recently published in French and English. We spoke with this pacifist who specializes in conflict zones, particularly the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Séverine Autesserre: Serendipity! By chance, I took part in a Doctors Without Borders mission in the Congo and I fell in love with the country. I then participated in an exchange program between Sciences Po in Paris and Columbia in New York City. And now I am chair of the political science department at one of the few women’s colleges in the country. Barnard is a place of peace for female students and faculty alike, since gender discrimination in the United States is far from over. How did you go from being a student at the Sorbonne to a professor at one of the most prestigious universities in the United States? Séverine Autesserre : La sérendipité ! Le hasard a fait que j’ai contribué à une mission de Médecins sans frontières au Congo et que je me suis éprise de ce pays. Puis j’ai bénéficié d’un échange entre Sciences Po à Paris et Columbia à New York. Et me voici présidente du département de sciences politiques dans l’une des rares facultés entièrement féminines du pays. Barnard College est un lieu de paix pour les femmes, étudiantes et enseignantes, puisque la discrimination des sexes aux États-Unis est loin d’être dépassée. En France, nous avons des affinités électives avec l’Afrique. Je me suis trouvée particulièrement à l’aise dans ce pays et ses cultures. Mais c’est aussi au Congo que se déroule le conflit le plus long et le plus meurtrier depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. On parle d’au moins dix millions de morts depuis les années 1960. Paradoxalement, il y a peu de recherches sur ce pays, sauf par des universitaires locaux qu’on écoute assez peu en Occident. Comment êtes-vous passée du statut d’étudiante à la Sorbonne à celui de professeure dans l’une des facultés les plus prestigieuses des États-Unis ? Qu’avez-vous appris au Congo qui vous est si cher ? FR ENG TRANS. ALEXANDER UFF ILLUS. HERVÉ PINEL
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